Pages 40-84
40-44 ‘On Facts and Interpretation’
…are there historical facts we can know or is history just interpretation?
We know the first world war started in 1914 so in some sense there are facts. However, such facts, though important, are true but trite within the larger issues historians consider. Historians have ambitions, wishing to discover not only what happened, but how, why, and what they meant or mean…
…so it never really is a matter of the facts per se but the weight, position, combination and significance they carry vis-à-vis each other in the construction of explanations that is the issue…this is the inevitable interpretive dimension…
…for although there may be methods of finding out what happened there is no method whatsoever whereby one can say definitely what the facts mean…
…critiques of the limits of textuality apply…
…all facts, to be meaningful, need embedding in interpretive readings that obviously contain them but which simply do not somehow arise from them..
Pages 44-50
The concept of historical (historians’) bias is everywhere; in schools, in the aims and objectives of countless historical texts…
…bias only makes sense when viewed in opposition to unbaised truth…
…typically the historian goes from the original traces, constructs these as evidence, scrupulously footnotes, etc., and on the basis of this gives a fully documented account. Of course empiricists -like Elton- know that definitive accounts are unachievable but they still strive for them. The ambition is to let ‘the facts’ speak for themselves, unmediated by the bulk of the ventriloquist-like (and possibly biased) historian… .
…looking at history this way, as a series of readings, all of which are positioned -then there is clearly no unpositioned criterion by which one can judge the degree of bias…the empiricist claim -that one can detect bias and expunge it by attending scrupulously to ‘what the sources say’ is undercut by the fact that the sources are mute. It is historians who articulate ‘what the sources say’, hence why many historians examine the same accounts and arrive at different conclusions or have their own narrative to tell…
…the basic question is whether empathy -the claim that one has to get into an informed appreciation of the predicaments and viewpoints of people in the past in order to gain real historical understanding (to see the past from its point of view) -is actually possible? If it is not, and that is my view, then why should attempting the impossible be so high on the agenda?
…given then that there is no presuppositionless interpretation of the past, and given that interpretation of the past are constructed in the present, the possibility of the historian being able to, slough off his present to reach somebody else’s past on their terms look s remote…
…here is Eagleton on the problem of reading texts: it is difficult to see criticism (history) as anything but an innocent discipline. It’s origins seem spontaneous, its origins natural: there is literature (the past) and so -because we wish to understand and appreciate it -there is also criticism (history)….But…criticism (history) as a hand-maiden to literature (the past) prevents (such understanding) everywhere….if the task of criticism (history) is to smooth the troubled passage between the text (the past) and reader, to elaborate the text (past) so that it may be more easily consumed, how is it to avoid interposing its own ungainly bulk between product and consumer, over-shadowing its object…it seem that criticism (history) is caught in an insoluble contradiction.
…these are some of the philosophical problems empathy faces…
Pages 51-54
…I do not think empathy , as typically understood, is possible for these philosophical and practical reasons…though a lot of critical reading historians may gain ‘tentative understandings’ but that is a different matter and empathy may only be marginal in such knowledge…
…this, briefly, is Collingwood’s argument. Humans are language animals. Through language things are given meaning. These symbolic codes refer to the world but word and world are categorically different. In different social formations, in different cultures, people speak/spoke differently: the past is a foreign country, people spoke differently there.
To understand people of the past we have to understand the traces left by them. For Collingwood, understanding history is understanding why these people wanted these things and nothing else.: all history is about what they had in mind, all history is about the history of minds.
pgs 57-61
…clearly there is a difference between primary sources (traces of the past) and secondary texts…this difference breaks down at secondary level where it is possible to use a secondary text as a primary source. Thompson’s ‘A history of the working classes’ can be read as an introduction into aspects of the industrial revolution or as a study of what a certain kind of Marxist historian had to say about it in the late 1950’s and early 1960’s: same text, different use. But if this is obvious, what is the problem in play here?
…I have argued that we can never really know the past; that there are no centres; that there are no ‘deeper’ sources (no subtext) to draw upon to get things right: all is on the surface. As we saw in chapter 1, historians don’t go down but across, moving laterally in the construction of their accounts from one set of sources to another, effectively doing comparative work. If this is not seen, if you use the word ‘source’ instead of ‘trace’; if you use the word ‘source’ instead of ‘trace’, if you refer to some of these sources as ‘primary’ and you sometimes replace that with ‘original’, this suggests that if you go to the originals, then because originals seem genuine (as opposed to secondary), genuine (true/deep) knowledge can be gained. This prioritizes the original source, fetishes documents, and distorts the whole working process of making history. At root is that perpetual quest for truth, the quest also apparent in desires for empathetic understanding -to get back into the genuine minds of the original people so that their views are unadulterated by ours…
…if we are freed from the desire for certainty, if we are released form the idea that history rests on the study of primary/documented sources (and that doing history is studying these alone and that from these originals we can adjudicate later historians’ disagreements), then we are free to see history as an amalgam of those epistemological, methodological, ideological, and practical concerns I have outlined…
…Elton uses the term ‘evidence’ to describe the sources that the historian goes to when carrying out research (the ‘evidence is in the record’) whereas he ought to have referred to them as, say, traces of the past. By calling such traces evidence, however, Elton gives the impression -which of course he wants to give- that such pristine pieces of evidence always already organize themselves into latent explanations, so that when enough of them have been found and collected together, then such ‘evidence-based explanations can simply become manifest by themselves…Carr, on the other hand, realizes that it is the active historian who does all the work of organizing the past’s traces, and that the kind of explanations the traces can be found to support depend on the type of organization being practised…
…the way out of this debate is to be consistent and not use the term ‘evidence’ ambiguously. By which I mean we simply remember the salient points (a) the past occurred; (b) traces of it remain; (c) these traces are there whether the historian who goes to them and finds them or not; (d) evidence is the term used when (some or other) of these traces are used ‘in evidence’ on behalf of (some or other) argument (interpretation) and not before. Evidence, therefore, as opposed to traces, is always the product of the historian’s discourse simply because, prior to the discourse being articulated, evidence (history) does not exist: only traces do (only the past did)…
…Barthes, in the Discourse of History, attacks those historians who want to deliver a ‘true’ account of the past guaranteed by the ‘raw evidence’ of the real he argues that such historians perform a sleight of hand whereby the referent (the thing the historian refers to) is projected into a realm supposedly beyond discourse from which position it can then be thought of as preceding and determining the discourse which in fact posited it as a referent in the first place.